Whether it’s in friends, designer
handbags, or website security, one quality people always want is authenticity.
Their fake counterparts are shoddy at best and damaging at worst, whether that
be for your emotional health, your belongings, or the contents of your bank
account.
The music is real, even if the wool on the collar is not.
In a recent paper, Pia Pichler and Nathanael
Williams look specifically at the way identity is authenticated by
four young men from South London. Nathanael was one of these four men, and he
recorded over five hours of conversation between him and the three others. The
conversation covered a range of topics, including class, race, language,
fatherhood, and the US; however, the focus of this research specifically
covered their discussion of hip-hop.
In order to investigate the links
between identity and authenticity, Pichler and Williams draw on Silverstein’s
“cultural concepts”, which describe people’s use of linguistic elements that do
not have a straightforward interpretation. In order to access the meaning of
those elements, you need to be part of a shared cultural sphere with the person
who is using them. One example they give is that of a wine connoisseur, who
uses certain terms to describe wine which might otherwise mean something
different. Using these terms to convey these cultural meanings is therefore a
way to indicate your affiliation with that sphere, and make it a part of your
identity.
In the conversation that
Nathaniel analysed, the four men frequently positioned authentic aspects of
hip-hop culture against inauthentic intruders. One example is during a
discussion of World Star Hip Hop, a website which features regular content
about the genre, from both contributors and users. One of the men, Les, was
complaining about some girls fighting on the website, specifically referring to
them as “white girls from The Hills”. “The Hills” was a series that focused on
the lives of white, upper-middle class women in Los Angeles; by referencing
them, Les positions them against the working class and non-white culture of the
website. The men also reference cultural concepts within the UK to position
things. For example, Les also complains about white kids from Oxford or
Cambridge proffering extended opinions on hip-hop. Given the reputation of
Oxford and Cambridge as wealthy university towns, this indexes the white person
he is complaining about to a middle-class background that is at odds with his
supposed knowledge about a predominantly black and working-class genre. This
therefore renders the person and their opinions on the best hip-hop artists as
inauthentic.
Pichler and Williams also note
linguistic features used by the men that are just as important to the
construction of their identities. For example, when discussing his brother’s
membership in a South London gang, Les says dey
and dem as opposed to they and them – a feature known as DH-stopping. He also uses yout and bruv; while the use of such lexical items is not specific to the
Englishes typically spoken in hip-hop, they still index an authentic
background, as they are features of MLE, or Multicultural
London English. As a dialect usually spoken by working class people,
often of colour, in inner-city London, it is not at odds with hip-hop culture,
which often draws on local dialects.
These are just some of the ways
in which the participants authenticated themselves. Now consider the
conversations that you have – how do you position things against one another,
and what features do you use if and when you do so? You may be doing the exact
same thing.
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Pichler,
P., & Williams, N. (2016). Hipsters in the hood: Authenticating indexicalities
in young men's hip-hop talk. Language in Society 45(4): 557-581.
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